Commemoration of the 21st Anniversary of Cheng Nan-jung’s self immolation, April 2010 An epic poem not yet unfinished: Twenty-one years after Cheng Nan-jung’s self immolation1 史詩未成‧
唯待後續:二十一年前鄭南榕的那把火1 Hu Hui-lin ／胡慧玲 Secretary General, Dr. Chen Wen-chen Memorial Foundation/ 陳文成博士紀念基金會總幹事2001-04-16 Updated by Michael S Chen/ 陳希寬March 24, 2010 Cheng Nan-jung founded Freedom Era Weekly in 1984. It was banned countless times, but still managed to come out each week
The Cheng Nan-jung self-immolation incident was a watershed in Taiwan's political movement. In the 1980s, when expression of political views was banned, Cheng Nan-jung founded Freedom Era Weekly, and combined activism with a highly-concentrated attack to break the four great taboos of the authorities: 1) the myth of the Chiang family, 2) military abuses, 3) the 228 Incident & March Massacre, and 4) Taiwan Independence. His death pushed Taiwan's political movements from the level of parliamentary reform to a new level of national identification. Because April 7 is the Twenty-first anniversary of Cheng Nan-jung's death, this week we presented this article written 9 years ago by Ms. Hu Hui-lin, secretary general of the Dr. Chen Wen-chen Memorial Foundation, and former editor of Freedom Era Weekly, who wrote about this prescient activist from Taiwan's political history.
鄭南榕的自焚事件，是台灣政治運動的分水嶺。在言論封閉的一九八○年代裡，鄭南榕創辦了《自由時代週刊》，並結合運動以密集攻勢突破官方四大禁忌：蔣家神話、軍方弊端、二二八、台灣獨立；而他的死，更使台灣的政治運動由國會體制改革的層次躍入國家認同的層次。四月七日是鄭南榕逝世二十一年紀念日，這篇文章是九年前是陳文成博士紀念基金會總幹事胡慧玲（前《自由時代週》主編）執筆，談論這位台灣政治史上，先知先覺的行動家。
With his own blood and flesh, he lit up the torch of Democracy and Freedom 以血肉之軀燃燒/點燃民主自由之火 April 7, 1989 was the 71st day of self-imprisonment for freedom Era Weekly editor-in-chief, Cheng Nan-jung. Some time after 8 a.m., large numbers of KMT2 troops surrounded the magazine’s office. As they broke the door and barged in, he turned and locked himself in his own office, without scruple he set himself aflame. That firm and resolute matchstick, that sudden burst of fire inflamed a situation unknown in recent Taiwan history, and opened up the 1st page of an eventful Formosan epic.
1989年4月7日，自由時代週刊總編輯鄭南榕自囚的第71天。上午八點多，國民黨2重兵包圍雜誌社，破門而入之際，鄭南榕轉身走進總編輯室，反鎖房門，引火自焚。那把果決的柴火，那道猛然的火勢，燒出了台灣近世紀來前所未有的局面，譜下了波瀾壯闊的史詩。 Second-generation Chinese mainlander Taiwan independence advocate in a time of banned political expression
言論封閉的時代裡，主張台獨的外省第二代 Cheng Nan-jung’s father came from Fuzhou in China and his mother from Keeling, Taiwan. Known as a “second generation Chinese mainlander,” he was born on Hankou Street in Taipei on September 12, 1947. Before he was born, he almost become one of the “unlucky ghosts” in the most disastrous massacre in Taiwan’s bitter history, which branded its stamp on him as he lay in his mother’s womb, and which also marked the future direction his life was to take.
鄭南榕，父親來自中國福州，母親係基隆人。通稱「外省人第二代」的他，1947年9月12日出生於台北市漢口街，差點未出生就成了二二八事件的冤魂。台灣近代史上最慘烈的大屠殺，娘胎裡為他烙了印記，也標識了他人生的方向。
Later, on his first job-seeking resume, Cheng Nan-jung was to write: “ I was born the year of the 228 Massacre3 and this Massacre has tormented me throughout my life…. Only because of being we, Chinese mainlanders we were safe from the wave of retaliation from the Taiwanese.” From childhood he thought deeply about this question, and he freely recorded the period of the White Terror4 in the documents he wrote during his life. Later on, because of the experience, he became involved in politics, agitation, sought freedom of speech, openly advocated Taiwan Independence5, and thought nothing of dying for his beliefs.
日後鄭南榕在他第一份求職履歷表上寫著：「我出生在二二八事件那一年，那事件帶給我終生的困擾。…我們是在鄰居的保護下，才在台灣人對外省人的報復浪潮裡，免於受害。」他自幼思索此問題至成年，白色恐怖時代3主動記錄於自己的人生公文書，後來因之參與政治，鼓動風潮，追求言論自由，公開主張台灣獨立，並不惜以身殉之。
Cheng Nan-jung graduated from Ilan Middle School and Chien Kuo High School (in Taipei). He attended National Cheng Kung University’s college of engineering, Fu-jen Catholic University as well as National Taiwan University’s Philosophy Departments. He boasted that he was ‘a first-rate activist thinker, so why should I be a third-rate engineer?’ Refusing to take the classes on Sun Yat-sen Thought, he handed back his National Taiwan University graduation certificate. He said, “ I’m a first rater but I don’t understand the meaning of life. And this troubled me deeply.”
鄭南榕畢業於宜蘭初中、建國中學；先後就學於成功大學工學院、輔仁大學哲學系、台大哲學系，自詡「我是第一流的行動思想家，為什麼要做第三流的工程師？」拒修國父思想課程，也放棄了台大畢業証 書。他說：「我是個一流主義者，對人生的不清不楚，深覺痛苦。」
After leaving National Taiwan University, he became aware that had become a completely new person. He said, “I was profoundly affected by the phenomenon of injustice in Taiwan, and I made an unequivocal resolution to be true to the ideas of Taiwanization6.”
離開台大校園的他，自覺是個煥然一新的人，他說：「我強烈感受到台灣不公不義的現象，也明確下了堅持台灣本土化6思想的決心。」1972年2月，鄭南榕與輔大同學葉菊蘭結婚，10月退伍，進入商場。他一心一意想辦雜誌，他說：「像我這種思想訓練深厚的人，辦雜誌是實踐信仰最適當的方式。」
Consolidating the two battlefields of journalism and activism Breaking the four great taboos of the authorities 結合雜誌與運動兩大戰場，突破官方四大禁忌
In March 1984, he founded Freedom Era Weekly, which proclaimed that it was ‘fighting for one hundred percent freedom of speech.” Chen Nan-jung registered eighteen different magazine licenses as ‘spare tires’ for use when the KMT would ban the magazine or suspend publication. He said, “I’m neither scared of arrest nor of being killed. Basically, I’ll fight them to the very end.”
1984年3 月，他創辦《自由時代週刊》，標榜「爭取百分之百的言論自由」。鄭南榕登記了18張雜誌執照，做為被國民黨查禁、停刊時的備胎；他說：「被抓、被殺都不怕，簡而言之，一路奮鬥到底。」清清楚楚的方法和目標，他實踐到生命的最後一刻。
Freedom Era Weekly ran for five years and eight months, and 302 issues. It folded six months after Cheng’s death. During that time, at then end of 1984, after Henry Liu was murdered7, the magazine printed Liu’s book: Biography of Chiang Chin-kuo, made public Chiang Ching-kuo’s medical condition on many occasions, exposed the shady dealings and abuses of the military, broke through the deified authority of the Chiang family, and pressured the military over their interference in politics. As a result, the magazine was suppressed and publication suspended a record-breaking number of times. On June 2, 1986, Cheng Nan-jung was framed and arrested without sentence. His crime was violating the “Public Officials Election and Recall Law,” but actually, apart from fighting for freedom of speech, Cheng was continually declaring war on political taboos with his organization of street activism.
自由時代系列週刊辦了5 年8 個月，出版302 期，直到他死後半年才結束。其間，1984年年底，江南命案7發生後，雜誌轉載《蔣經國傳》，多次公開蔣經國的病情，揭發軍方黑幕和弊端，打破蔣家神化權威，壓制軍人干政之氣勢，因之創下被查禁和停刊數最多的記錄。1986年6月2日，鄭南榕被羅織入罪，未判刑先逮捕，罪名是「違反選罷法」，實則是鄭南榕在爭取言論自由之外，繼之以發起街頭運動，向政治禁忌宣戰。
In 1985, he agitated for the right to organize opposition political parties, and in 1986 he was among the first to join in the establishment of the Taiwan Democratic Party in the U. S., becoming the first party member on the island. Soon afterwards, he launched the May 19 Green Action, protesting 39 years of martial law in Taiwan. Even after he was arrested, Freedom Era Weekly continued to operate without interruption. On January 24, 1987 he was released from jail. He never let up for a moment as if he knew he didn’t have much time left. Just days before the fortieth anniversary of the 228 Massacre, he challenged Taiwan’s most deeply-held political taboo by inviting people like Chen Yung-hsiung and Lee Sheng-hsiung (Stephen Lee) to found the 228 Peace Day Association. They held demonstrations and give speeches all over Taiwan, demanding an investigation to find out the truth concerning the 228 Massacre, a redress of injustice, and reconciliation among the different ethnic groups.
1985年，他鼓吹黨外組黨，1986年, 率先加入在美國成立的台灣民主黨，成為島內第一號黨員；隨後發起519 綠色行動，抗議長達39年的戒嚴統治年，他被捕後，雜誌社如常運作，定期出刊；隔年1 月24日出獄，他未曾停止他的腳步，彷彿自知活著的歲月所餘不多。出獄後第一天，也就是二二八事件四十周年屆臨前，他向台灣最深沈的政治禁忌挑戰，邀集陳永興、李勝雄等人，於2月4日創辦228 和平日促進會，在全台各地遊行演講，要求查明真相，平反冤屈，與族群和解。
On April 16, 1987, at a public forum, Cheng Nan-jung challenged another absolute political taboo. He said, “I, Cheng-Nan-jung, advocate Taiwan Independence.” He was proud of being the first person, since Taiwan was ruled by the KMT regime, to publicly come forward and proudly advocate Taiwan independence. Again and again, on every public speaking occasion, before crowds of thousands, he would repeat this sentence and declare openly and publicly: ‘I am the son of a Chinese mainlander, and I advocate Taiwan Independence.’
4 月16日，在演講會上，鄭南榕向另一個絕對的政治禁忌挑戰，他說：「我是鄭南榕，我主張台灣獨立。」他以身為國民黨統治下第一個公然鼓吹台灣獨立之人而自傲。一次又一次，在每一個公開演講場合，在萬千群眾面前，他總是以這句話當開場白：「我是一個外省囝仔，我主張台灣獨立。」
Starting in September 1987, he made plans for "Activities to express support for the Tsai-Hsu Taiwan Independence Case," and continued to promote the "New Nation Movement," a march around the whole of Taiwan that would last for 40 days. He acquired Hsu Shih-kai's "Draft for a Taiwan Republic Constitution", and after his return to Taiwan, published the entire text in issue no. 254 of the magazine. It was for this reason that the Public Prosecutor's Office of the Taiwan High Court issued preliminary summons for "Cheng Nan-jung being under suspicion of sedition" on January 21, 1989. On January 27, he made a public declaration: "The KMT will only take my dead body, they will never take me alive."
1987年9 月起，他策劃「蔡許台獨案聲援活動」，繼之與「台灣政治受難者聯誼總會」推動「新國家運動」，全台行軍40天。1988年7 月，他赴美國和日本，首度結識海外獨立運動份子，取得許世楷的〈台灣共和國憲法草案〉，返台後，隨即在雜誌第254 期刊登全文。為此，1989年1 月21日，高檢處發出「鄭南榕涉嫌叛亂」的第一張傳票。1 月27日，他公開宣稱：「國民黨只能抓到我的屍體，不能抓到我的人。
Cheng Nan-jung launches the 40-day march around the island by the New Nation Movement, 1988 The ashes of one who laid down his life for his principles become the seeds of democracy 殉道者的骨灰成為民主與希望的種子 He never again set foot outside his office. He never again felt the sun on his face, or the touch of the spring breezes. During his period of self-confinement, he gave an interview, entitled "Independence is the only way out for Taiwan – Chen Nan-jung talks about a new constitution for Taiwan and is under suspicion of sedition," and quoted from the Bible: "He was not that Light, but was sent to bear witness of that Light. That was the true Light, which lighteth every man that cometh into the world." Cheng Nan-jung was already prepared to die for the cause.
他再也沒有踏出室外一步，再也沒有晒過太陽，拂過春風。自囚期間，他曾以一篇訪問稿〈獨立，是台灣的唯一活路──鄭南榕談台灣新憲法涉嫌叛亂案〉明志，首句引聖經「他不是那光，乃是要為光做見証。那光是真光，照亮一切世上的人。」鄭南榕已準備殉道。
In the early hours of April 7, 1989, large numbers of KMT troops surrounded the area and made an attack by force on the magazine offices. Cheng Nan-jung set himself on fire, and with his charred remains he made his noble and virtuous soul witness to the people of the world, and showed them his love for this Island.
1989年4月7日清晨，國民黨重兵壓境、強行攻打雜誌社，鄭南榕以一把火，和全焦 的屍體，向世人証實他高潔的靈魂，向世人表達他對這片土地的愛戀。
Cheng Nan-jung set himself on fire in the magazine's office. His wife, Yeh Chu-lan, covers his remains with a flag On May 19, the first Memorial day for the political movement started by Cheng Nan-jung, 40 to 50,000 people braved light rain to attend his funeral procession. The parade stretched for several kilometers, and when it turned right from Chungshan South Road into Ketegelan Boulevard, it was blocked in front of Kungyuan Road by steel wire barricades and a military police cordon. Chan Yi-hua dashed forward and set himself on fire in front of the wire barriers.
5 月19日，這個鄭南榕所發動的第一個政治運動的紀念日，四、五萬人冒著微雨，參加出殯式。綿延數公里的行列，從中山南路右轉凱達格蘭大道時，受阻於公園路前的鐵絲蛇籠和憲警封鎖線。詹益樺飛奔前往，自焚於鐵絲網上。
After April 7, 1989, the figures on the blacklist who had gone overseas came back to Taiwan in droves, bringing a tide of returnees over the next two years, and opened up the independence movement which took Taiwan as its subject. People power took off, and manifested itself in movements such as the March students' movement and the activism against military interference in politics, and later on in the Action 100 Alliance to get rid of Article 100.... On April 7, 1990, Cheng Nan-jung's ashes were scattered by balloon.
1989年4月7日之後，海外黑名單人士紛紛闖關回台，帶動此後兩年的返鄉熱潮，並 開啟以台灣為主體的獨立運動；人民力量興起，呈現於三月學運和反軍人干政，以 及日後的100 行動聯盟和廢除刑一百條…。1990年4月7日，鄭南榕的骨灰以氣球昇空，遍灑各地。 Love is stronger than death - his widow, Yeh Chu-lan, continues the battle on the road to democracy 愛比死更堅強－－遺孀葉菊蘭在民主之路上繼續奮鬥 After Cheng Nan-jung's death, Yeh Chu-lan abandoned business for politics, and served four terms as legislator.
On May 20, 2000, when the new government was set up, she took up the post of Minister of Transportation and Communications. All along, she has taken the view that Cheng Nan-jung is public property, and consequently, 10 years after the incident, she donated the magazine's offices and also donated funds to set up the Deng Liberty Foundation8 so that this "public property" can continue in perpetuity.
葉菊蘭於鄭南榕過世之後，棄商從政，四度當選立法委員，2000年5 月20日，新政府成立後，並出任交通部長。她始終認為鄭南榕是公共財，因此於事件十年後捐出雜誌社房產和捐款，組成鄭南榕基金會8，將此公共財永續滋息。
Situated in a quiet and peaceful lane near Chung Shan Middle School in Taipei City, this is the place where Freedom Era Weekly was founded in March 1984. It was also the place where Cheng Nan-jung set himself on fire on April 7, 1989. Cheng, in both life and death, sowed the seeds of freedom in Taiwan. The Deng Liberty Foundation has been organizing a "Freedom Road Film Festival," a Cheng Nan-jung Liberty Prize, and a study group. All these activities shared one common core theme, that is, the thought and realization of liberty.
位於台北市中山國中旁幽靜巷內的鄭南榕紀念會館，是1984年3 月《自由時代週刊》創辦之地，也是1989年4月7日鄭南榕自焚之處。鄭南榕的生與死，在台灣播下自由的種籽。鄭南榕基金會舉辦中的「自由之路電影欣賞會」、規劃中的鄭南榕自由獎、讀書會，也是以「自由」為中心的思想和實踐。
Coming together to finish the epic poem of a democratic country which the philosopher left unfinished 共同續寫哲學家未完成的民主建國史詩 Although Cheng Nan-jung was a "second-generation Chinese mainlander," he always took it for granted that Taiwan was his homeland. He said: "We are a small people in a small country, but we are a good people in a good country." In his notebook, he once wrote: "When a philosopher is put to death, the mountains and the rivers all shed tears." It's as if he had an intuition of what would become of him. The epic poem is not yet finished, it just awaits completion.
鄭南榕雖是「外省人第二代」，卻始終認定台灣為家鄉。他說：「我們是小國小民，但我們是好國好民。」他曾於筆記本上寫著：「當哲學家被處死之時，山河都將流淚。」彷彿預示了身後的景象。然史詩未成，唯待後續。
Footnotes: 1. Taiwan Historical Association (台灣歷史學會), Taiwan ViewPoint: http://www.twhistory.org.tw/20010416.htm 2. The Kuomintang (中國國民黨)abbreviated as KMT and translated as the Chinese Nationalist Party, is a political party of the Republic of China (ROC), located in Taipei, Taiwan. It is currently the majority party in terms of seats in the Legislative Yuan, and the oldest political party in the Republic of China. Current president Ma Ying-jeou is the seventh KMT member to hold the office of the presidency. Together with the People First Party and Chinese New Party, the KMT forms what is known as the Taiwanese Pan-Blue coalition, which supports eventual reunification with the mainland. However, the KMT has been forced to moderate its stance by advocating for the political and legal status quo of modern Taiwan. The KMT accepts a One China Principle and defines "One China" to mean the Republic of China and not the People's Republic of China. In order to ease tensions with the People's Republic of China, the KMT endorses the "three noes" policy - no unification, no independence and no use of force. 3. 228 Massacre(二二八大屠殺), formally called 228 Incident, was an anti-KMT government uprising in Taiwan that began on February 27, 1947 and was violently suppressed by the Kuomintang (KMT) government. The number "228" refers to the day the massacre began: February 28, or 02-28. Estimates of the number of deaths vary from ten thousand to thirty thousand or more. The Massacre marked the beginning of the Kuomintang's White Terror period in Taiwan, in which thousands more Taiwanese vanished, were killed, or imprisoned. In 1945, 50 years of Japanese rule ended, and in October the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA) handed administrative control of Taiwan to the Kuomintang-administered Republic of China (ROC). Taiwan’s legal status was left undecided to this date. One year plus 4 months of KMT administration led to the widespread impression that the party was plagued by nepotism, corruption, and economic failure. Tensions increased between Taiwanese and the ROC administration. The flashpoint came on February 27, in Taipei when a dispute between a female cigarette vendor and an officer of the Office of Monopoly triggered civil disorder and open rebellion that lasted for days. The uprising was violently put down by the military of the Republic of China. The subject was officially taboo for decades. On the anniversary of the event in 1995, President Lee Teng-hui addressed the subject publicly, a first for a Taiwanese head of state. The event is now openly discussed and commemorated as Peace Memorial Day, and details of the event have become the subject of investigation. Every February 28, Taiwan's president gathers with other officials to ring a commemorative bell in memory of the victims. The president bows to family members of 2-28 victims and gives each one a certificate officially declaring the family innocent of any crime. Monuments and memorial parks to the victims of 2-28 have been erected in a number of Taiwanese cities, including Kaohsiung, Tainan, Chiayi and Taipei. 4. The White Terror (白色恐怖) describes the suppression of political dissidents and public discussion of the 228 Massacre in Taiwan under the martial law period from May 19, 1949 to July 15, 1987. It takes its root in the anti-Communist White Terror in mainland China and the 228 Massacre 1947. During the White Terror, around 140,000 Taiwanese were imprisoned or executed for their real or perceived opposition to the Kuomintang (KMT) government led by Chiang Kai-shek, according to a recent report by the Executive Yuan of Taiwan. Most of those prosecuted were labeled by the Kuomintang as "bandit spies" (匪諜), meaning spies for Chinese communists, and punished as such. Among the White Terror's victims were indeed many Taiwanese and mainland Chinese Communist agitators, but with time the White Terror permitted countless abuses. The "White Terror" left many Taiwanese with a deep-seated bitterness towards the Kuomintang, Chiang Kai-shek, and the mainland Chinese. A large number of the White Terror's victims were mainland Chinese who usually owed their evacuation to the island to the KMT, and often having come unaccompanied to Taiwan were considered more disposable than local Taiwanese. Many of the mainland Chinese who survived the White Terror in Taiwan, like Bo Yang and Li Ao moved on to promote Taiwan's democratization and the reform of the Kuomintang. Fear of discussing the White Terror and the 228 Incident gradually decreased with the lifting of martial law in 1987, culminating in the establishment of an official public memorial and an apology by President Lee Teng-hui in 1995. 5. Taiwan independence (台灣獨立運動)is a political movement whose goal is primarily to create an independent and sovereign Republic of Taiwan out of the lands currently governed by the Republic of China (ROC) (commonly known as "Taiwan") and claimed by the People's Republic of China (PRC). This movement is supported by the Pan-Green Coalition in Taiwan and opposed by the Pan-Blue Coalition which supports reunification with mainland China at some point. Due to the PRC's claim of sovereignty over Taiwan and repeated threats made by the PRC, Taiwanese have yet to make up their minds to formally declare Taiwan independence for international recognition. 6. Taiwanization (臺灣本土化運動), also known as the Taiwanese localization movement, is a political term used in Taiwan to emphasize the importance of a separate Taiwanese culture rather than to regard Taiwan as solely an appendage of China. This involves the teaching of the history of Taiwan, geography, and culture from a Taiwan-centric perspective, as well as promoting languages locally established in Taiwan, including Taiwanese Hokkien (Taiwanese), Hakka, and aboriginal languages. Originally part of the Taiwan independence movement and related to the Taiwan Name Rectification Campaign, some of Taiwanization's aims are now endorsed by some supporters of Chinese unification on Taiwan. The localization movement has been expressed in forms such as the use of language or dialect in the broadcast media and entire channels devoted to aboriginal and Hakka affairs. Textbooks have been rewritten by scholars to more prominently emphasize Taiwan. The political compromise that has been reached is to teach both the history of Taiwan and the history of mainland China. Some Taiwanese-owned companies or organizations established in earlier times have names containing the words "China" or "Chinese". They have been encouraged in recent years to change the word "China" in their names to "Taiwan" as an act of Taiwanization. This campaign for changing the names is known as the "Name Rectification Campaign" (正名運動) or "Taiwan Name Rectification". Many Taiwan-based companies in international sectors already identify themselves as "Taiwan"-based for clarity's sake. This keeps international customers from confusing them with an enterprise based in the People's Republic of China. Other Taiwan-based companies decline to change to a "Taiwanese" name because of expense or the political views held by important clients and company leaders. 7. Henry Liu, often known by his pen name Chiang Nan(江南), was a writer and journalist from Taiwan. He was a vocal critic of the Kuomintang (Chinese Nationalist Party), then the single ruling party of the Republic of China on Taiwan, and was most famous for writing an unauthorized biography of Chiang Ching-kuo, former president of the Republic of China. He later became a naturalized citizen of the United States. On 15 October, 1984, Liu was shot to death in the garage of his home in Daly City, California. His killers fled the country, returning to Taiwan. They did not face trial until the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation discovered a tape made by chief hitman Chen Chi-li implicating Republic of China military intelligence in the killing, whereupon they began to pressure the government to bring Liu's killers to trial. According to Chen's testimony at his trial in Taipei, Wang Hsi-ling of Kuomintang intelligence ordered the assassination. A month after his conviction, Chen retracted this statement. However, Tung Kuei-sen, another one of the killers, corroborated this fact at his own trial in the United States in 1988, stating that the order for Liu's death had been given by the Taiwanese government. Tung (who had previously been cleared of racketeering charges related to the assassination) was convicted. The assassination became a major political scandal in Taiwan and American officials were critical of the Kuomintang for orchestrating an assassination on United States soil. Helen Liu, Henry Liu's wife, filed suit in United States federal district court against the Republic of China. The Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals ruled (Liu v. Republic of China) that the ROC government was liable under the doctrine of respondeat superior; a petition for certiorari from the ROC government to the U.S. Supreme Court was subsequently rejected. The suit was later settled out of court. The assassination was the subject of the book Fires of the Dragon by David E. Kaplan. 8. Deng Liberty foundation (鄭南榕基金會), http://www.nylon.org.tw/index.php?option=com_content&view=frontpage&Itemid=1
*****
傅雲欽的台獨觀點： 站在旁邊端水果、持水果刀的小女孩（台灣），對於服事四個大姊頭（中、美、日、俄），被她們呼來喚去，頤指氣使，已經感到不耐。她心想：我不想陪妳們玩了，讓我自由，誰敢阻止，我就捅妳一刀。
解讀劉溢的畫作《北京-2008》及《搓麻將的女人》
一、《北京-2008》 二、《搓麻將的女人》 [See the attached file] 五女打麻將畫作 劉溢的「北京-2008」隱喻台海局勢？ NowNews (2007/05/17 15:35) 加拿大華裔畫家劉溢畫了一幅「北京-2008」被解讀隱喻台海局勢，畫中背對的上身赤裸少女代表中國，檯面上一絲不掛，檯面下最有實力。（圖片取自http://www.luiliu.com/）
大陸中心／綜合報導 又有畫作引發解碼熱潮！加拿大華裔畫家劉溢的畫作「北京-2008」，內容是5名少女打麻將（Game），代表北京將舉辦奧運會，即Olympic Games。不過，畫作左上角卻出現一幅有毛澤東輪廓、孫中山的鬍子，以及蔣介石光頭綜合體的肖像，被外界解讀為隱喻中、美、日、俄間的台海政治角力。 電影「達文西密碼」中畫家達文西的畫作，因藏有神秘的宗教密碼，進而引發一連串謀殺事件，而達文西畫作當中所留下的種種問號，至今還未被解開。不過華裔畫家劉溢的畫作「北京-2008」，兩年前在紐約展出之後，就一直話題不斷，也成為政治解讀的焦點。 這幅畫作表面上是5名少女在打麻將，但左上角卻出現毛澤東輪廓 、孫中山鬍子和蔣介石光頭，結合兩岸政治強人的肖像，外界猜測，這根本隱喻兩岸台海局勢。 這5名少女也分別被解讀為不同涵義，畫中正在打麻將的4位少女，她們身上的衣服代表4國所具有的實力，正面的金髮少女代表美國，上身穿衣但下身裸體，表示檯面上實力最強，而檯下一絲不掛；背對的上身赤裸少女代表中國，表示檯面上一絲不掛，檯面下最有實力。 至於左邊的黑髮少女代表日本，全身光溜溜表示沒有實力，而右邊的俄羅斯少女躺倒，全身上下也只有一塊布，顯然對兩岸關係毫無興趣。
另一位旁觀的少女代表台灣，但因為不在賭局當中，即使關注局勢和自身利益，卻也無法表示什麼。畫作被繪聲繪影的解讀，藝術作品成了政治工具，恐怕作者也很無奈。 劉溢是天津人，1957年出生，中國中央美術學院油畫系學生，也是文革後第一批考入中央美術學院的學生，同屆的有張藝謀、譚盾等人。因為在1989年北京民主運動後創作反政府的漫畫而逃亡海外，其後定居加拿大。 四個裸女打麻將 !-----一幅油畫居然蘊藏這麽多意思 2010.2.17 這是一幅油畫，最近在西方社會以及網絡世界引發的口水已經比畫家所用的顏料多出千倍。畫家是劉溢，一個去了加拿大的中國人。2005年3月6日紐約一個畫展據說展出了此畫，引起了很多猜測，因為畫作的題目是：“2008北京”。 這張圖很有意思，名字叫 " 北京2008 " ，畫的卻是四個女人打麻將，顯然有隱藏得很深的含義在裏面。 正面下方背後有文身的亞裔女子，應該是中國了。左手打牌打得聚精會神的，是日本。穿著上衣側頭的是美國。躺得很YD的的，是俄羅斯。旁邊站著的小女孩，是臺灣。 中國碰了“東風”，是何含義？
可能是兩層意思，一是中國借了東風在崛起；二，“東風導彈”是中國已經擺在臺面上的有力武器。中國一方面形勢好像不錯，但不知道其他的牌如何，而她又在牌桌下做著小動作。 美國一副成竹在胸的樣子，看著臺灣，表情很耐人尋味，一方面是想從臺灣的表情裏讀懂些什麽，一方面眼神又在給臺灣做暗示。
俄羅斯一副漠不關心的樣子，其實不然。一邊腳勾搭著美國，一邊在給中國遞牌，兩國可以說是在暗中互相交換利益。 日本人一本正經看著自己的那副牌，全然不知道別人在做些什麽動作，只顧著打著自己的牌。 臺灣身穿紅肚兜，可能意思是中華文明的最後真正繼承者。臺灣一手拿著水果一手拿著水果刀，表情陰郁而憤恨得看著中國。但沒辦法，他不入局，無論最終誰勝利，他都只能幫別人切水果。 窗完河邊烏雲密布，應該是暗示海峽兩岸局勢危機，一觸即發了。墻上的掛象很有意思，孫的胡子，蔣的光頭，毛的長相。 這四個女子的著裝也很有意思。中國光著上身，下邊一條裙子一條內褲。美國一件外套一件內衣，下身卻光著。俄羅斯只剩一條內褲了。日本已經什麽都不剩了。這也是各國局勢的寫照。 美國衣著看上去最整齊，實力也最強大，其他幾人均有點衣不蔽體，但美國貌似光鮮，但卻其實已經暴露了自己的底線，而中國和俄羅斯雖然貌似赤裸，但關鍵陰私卻藏住了。
假設這局牌是賭脫衣服的，誰輸了誰脫。這一局牌打下來。中國輸，則淪落到如今俄羅斯的地步。（跟蘇聯解體情況相當。）美國輸，也會淪落到俄羅斯的地步。俄羅斯再輸，則徹底淪落到一無所有。而日本，其實已經一無所有了。俄羅斯貌似相公，在陪打。其實俄羅斯是在和中國換牌，真正的陪打是日本。因為她已經沒東西可輸了，而且一輸就立刻出局了。 總結一下。美國最假正經，看上去最光鮮。但其實危機不小。如果打輸這一局，他就得交出霸主的地位。 俄羅斯兩邊勾搭，最是陰險狡詐。
情況有點類似解放後的中國，一會倒向蘇聯一會倒向美國。因為自身實力不濟，只能在兩邊搖擺以求得生存和發展中國的牌有太多看不見了，說明中國隱藏了很多實力？而且桌面下又和俄羅斯在換牌。 而美國人卻只能從臺灣的表情上去揣測中國和俄羅斯幹了些什麽。 日本人則一無所知，繼續打著自己的牌。中國的牌最深不可測。日本。別人在搞這麽多動作，他基本沒有贏的可能。而且一輸的話立刻出局。 臺灣。她冷眼旁觀，桌上這些人在搞什麽她都看見了，心裏也清楚。可是她沒有入局的資格和能力，也沒有話語權。心懷不滿也無濟於事，只能做你的丫頭，給勝利者獻上你的水果。 勝利者應該在中國和美國之間產生，這個懸念不大。但要看清楚，美國盡管實力強，但她們玩的是中國麻將，不是西方撲克，按中國人的規矩玩牌，美國人的成算又有多少？ 香港媒體報導：情色解碼:《2008北京》《搓麻將的女人》